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HCONRES 2119th CongressIn Committee

Reclaiming Congress’s Constitutional Mandate in Trade Resolution

Introduced: Jan 3, 2025
Standard Summary
Comprehensive overview in 1-2 paragraphs

This concurrent resolution would create a two-part structure to study and implement a transfer of the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR) functions from the executive branch to the legislative branch. It establishes a Joint Ad Hoc Committee on Trade Responsibilities tasked with developing a plan to move USTR’s functions, and a Congressional Advisory Board on Trade Responsibilities to provide stakeholder input. The plan would be developed over a set timeline, with a transfer date set for on or before July 1, 2028 (or later, depending on the plan’s timing). The measure also calls for formal cooperation from the USTR and other executive agencies to provide information and support. As a concurrent resolution, it expresses congressional intent and creates study-and-review mechanisms rather than immediate, binding policy changes. If enacted intopractice, the bill would significantly rework how trade policy is made by shifting prominent trade functions toward the legislative branch, increasing congressional control and oversight, and embedding advisory input from diverse stakeholders into the process.

Key Points

  • 1Establishment of a Joint Ad Hoc Committee on Trade Responsibilities (14 members: 9 from House committees on Ways and Means or Energy and Commerce; 5 from the Senate Finance Committee) to develop a plan to transfer USTR functions to the legislative branch under the Constitution’s Article I, Section 8.
  • 2Specific duties of the Committee include drafting a transfer plan, consulting with a Congressional Advisory Board on Trade Responsibilities, and setting a transfer deadline (the later of 4 years after the report submission or July 1, 2028).
  • 3Creation of a Congressional Advisory Board on Trade Responsibilities (21 members) to advise the Joint Ad Hoc Committee. Membership is distributed among the House and Senate leadership, with slots for individuals from diverse sectors (government, labor, industry, agriculture, small business, service sectors, environmental/consumer groups) and including appoints by USTR.
  • 4Authority and operating rules for the Joint Ad Hoc Committee, including subpoena power, staff appointments, and expense provisions for both the House and Senate portions, and the ability to use existing staff where possible.
  • 5Reporting and termination provisions: the Joint Ad Hoc Committee must deliver a plan within 16 months of full membership appointment; the Committee then terminates after transferring the functions or after a one-year period following the report (as applicable).

Impact Areas

Primary group/area affected: Members of Congress (House and Senate) and committee staffs who would gain direct control over more trade-related functions and oversight; the overall structure of trade policy-making would shift toward the legislative branch.Secondary group/area affected: The USTR and other executive branch offices, which would be required to provide information and support; potential changes in interactions with foreign governments and on trade negotiations depending on how the plan envisions transfer of negotiating and implementing powers.Additional impacts:- Increased legislative oversight and potential changes to the speed, transparency, and consensus-building around trade policy.- Involvement of a broad cross-section of stakeholders through the Advisory Board, potentially changing the input mechanisms for trade policy.- Legal and constitutional questions about whether and how executive trade powers can be moved to Congress, and what structural or statutory changes would be necessary beyond this resolution.- Budgeting and staffing implications for Congress, including funding for committees, staff, and travel related to the Joint Ad Hoc Committee and Advisory Board.This is a concurrent resolution, not a law. It expresses congressional intent and creates exploratory and advisory bodies, but does not by itself reallocate constitutional powers. Any actual transfer of functions would require additional legislation and constitutional/a political considerations.
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